United Nations Institutional Structure

United Nations Institutional Structure


Hey everyone, this is Noah Zerbe.
Welcome back! in this video series, we look at the United Nations system. This video focuses
in particular on the structure of the United Nations organization. So let’s get
started. The United Nations Charter outlines six principal organs within the
organization. These are the General Assembly, or GA, which serves as the
principal deliberative assembly of the United Nations; the Economic and Social
Council, or ECOSOC, which focuses on international economic and social
affairs and coordinates the activities of numerous UN specialized agencies and
related bodies; the UN Security Council, which has primary responsibility for
addressing threats to international peace and security;
the Secretariat, which is the administrative arm of the United Nations
and is responsible for managing the organization’s day-to-day affairs; the
trusteeship Council–now largely defunct– was responsible for overseeing
decolonization efforts; and finally the International Court of Justice, which
adjudicates disputes between states and is charged with offering legal opinions
to the organization. Let’s consider each of these in greater detail. The General
Assembly is the primary deliberative body of the United Nations and is the
only part of the United Nations where all states are equally represented, with
one state having one vote. According to the Charter, the General Assembly (or GA)
is responsible for overseeing the UN budget, for appointing the Secretary General (upon recommendation of the Security Council); for electing judges to the International Court of Justice (again, upon recommendation of the
Security Council); for approving new members of the United Nations (also on
recommendation of the Security Council); for appointing non-permanent members to
the Security Council; for receiving reports from other parts of the United
Nations; for establishing subsidiary organizations as necessary; and for
making recommendations through its resolutions. The majority of the work of
the United Nations takes place through the five regional caucusing bloc’s.
Resolutions, for example, generally began in draft form
within a regional caucusing block or even within a subgroup of that block.
Because the size of the General Assembly makes participation of all Member States
in negotiations over every issue unwieldy, regional groups will sometimes
designate a subset of countries as lead negotiators on behalf of the region on
specific issues. To be clear, this is not always the case.
Some issues are so important to specific countries that they may decide to
participate on their own. But in general, regional groups divide the work between
them. The African and West Europe or the European Union groups are particularly
strong in this respect and often coordinate national positions within
their own groups before approaching other regions, allowing them to present a
unified and thus more powerful front. Regional groups are also influential in
the selection of non-permanent members of the Security Council. The seats
themselves are allocated on a regional basis, with three seats reserved for
Africa; two for Asia and the Pacific; the Western European and others group–which
includes Canada, Australia, and New Zealand– have two seats, as does the Latin
American in the Caribbean group, Eastern Europe has one seat. A similar geographic
distribution is used for seats in the Economic and Social Council, the Human
Rights Council, and other UN bodies. The president of the General Assembly is
also filled on a rotating regional basis, so that each region holds the presidency
about one out of every five years. Regional groups have different
approaches on how those seats are assigned. While an individual member
cannot serve consecutive terms on the Security Council, it is not uncommon for
more influential states like Japan or Germany to be elected to the Council on
a more frequent basis than other states. Some regions decide amongst themselves
which country they will put forward and then nominate only that single member,
which is then confirmed by the General Assembly. Other regions are more open
to competitive elections for the seat, permitting the General Assembly to
decide. The groups themselves are not perfect, and several states don’t fit
easily within them. The Asia-Pacific group, for example, was called the Asian
group until 2011. Non-asian members of that group–particularly the island
countries that comprise about 20% of the group’s
total membership–demanded a more inclusive name. China insisted that the
group officially be called the “Group of Asia and Pacific Small Island Developing
States,” but the shorter Asia-Pacific Group is the more common designation. The
United States has opted not to join any group, but caucuses with the Western
European and Others Group. Israel would geographically be a member of the
Asia-Pacific Group along with most of the Middle East. However its membership
and participation in the group has been blocked by several Arab states for years.
It informally participated with the Western European and Others Group. In
2013, it was granted permanent status in that group. Turkey participates in both
the West European and Others and the Asia-Pacific Group. However for
representation and voting purposes it’s a member of the West European and Others only. The Pacific island state of Kiribati does not participate in any
group but would belong to the Asia-Pacific Group if it chose to
participate. Officially, the General Assembly operates on the basis of
majority voting, with the exception of certain “important questions,” which
require two-thirds majority. These important questions are defined as those dealing with budgetary issues, questions dealing with peace and security, and the election, admissions, suspension, or expulsion of UN members. With the
exception of budgetary issues, which includes matters of spending and
assessment of dues and other important issues, the decisions of the General
Assembly are recommendations. The General Assembly lacks the ability to enforce its decisions. Instead the General Assembly’s resolutions are
recommendations to the member states and to other parts of the United Nations, or
to other international organizations to take specific actions. They are intended
to express the general will and shared beliefs of the international community.
As a result, there’s a strong emphasis on consensus in the United Nations. A
resolution passed unanimously carries much more weight than a resolution that
passes by a narrow majority. Often, this means accepting a slower rate of progress in addressing issues in order to keep unanimous consent among the
Member States. It also means that the same resolution is often passed session
after session, with only minor changes to agreed
language. The General Assembly is at its busiest in September of every year, when
general debate occurs. That’s when the heads of state from around the world
converge on New York to address the United Nations General Assembly. This
event takes a couple of weeks, after which the regular work of the United
Nations gets underway for the year. Because of the large number and variety
of issues the General Assembly works on, most work actually takes place in the
Committees of the General Assembly. The most important of these committees are numbered, one through six. First committee is formally titled the Disarmament and
International Security Committee (or DISEC). It is charged with addressing issues
of peace and disarmament not currently under consideration by the Security
Council. Second committee is formally titled the Economic and Financial
Committee (or ECOFIN). It deals with economic questions macroeconomic policy, financing for development, sustainable development, human settlements, the
eradication of poverty, and the use of technology for development, among other
issues. Third committee is formally titled the Social, Cultural and
Humanitarian Committee (or SOCHUM). It deals primarily with questions of human
rights and humanitarian affairs, including topics such as the advancement
of women, the protection of children, the rights of indigenous communities, the
treatment of refugees, and the protection of fundamental freedoms. Fourth committee is formally titled the Special Political and Decolonization Committee. It deals
with a variety of political topics not falling under the jurisdiction of other
committees. This represents a change in the charge of the committee, which was
originally focused on questions of decolonization. As the number of
non-self-governing territories declined, the work of the committee shifted and
the committee was used to offload the excessive workload from First Committee.
Today, Fourth Committee deals with questions of decolonization, the
Israeli-Palestinian dispute, problems faced by Palestinian refugees,
peacekeeping and special political missions, land mines, the peaceful uses of
outer space, and public information, among other topics. Fifth committee is the
organization’s administrative and budget committee. This committee meets from
September through December, and resumes its work in March and May
due to heavy workload. The committee is responsible for approving and overseeing
the United Nations administration and budget, including the budget for
peacekeeping operations. Finally, Sixth Committee deals with legal
issues. While the committee can deal with specific issues and pass resolutions
like any other committee, it is also the primary negotiating arena for a number
of international treaties, including the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic
Relations of 1961; the International Convention Against the Taking of
Hostages of 1979; the Rome Statute on the International Criminal
Court of 1998; and dozens of others. Each committee elects its own president, three vice presidents, and a rapporteur, who reports on the work of the committee
back to the General Assembly at the end of the session. In general, committees
meet for one to two months after general debate, usually concluding their work
by November of each years. All members of the United Nations have a seat and a
vote on each of the GA committees. The second main charter body of the United Nations is the Economic and Social Council, or ECOSOC. ECOSOC is comprised of
54 members, elected by the General Assembly to staggered three-year terms
on a regional basis. ECOSOC is also unusual in the UN structure in that it
provides consultative status to various non-governmental organizations. This
gives those organizations the right to participate in the discussions of the
body but not to vote in its proceedings. ECOSOC’s primary responsibility is to
serve as the central forum for consideration of international economic
and social issues, and to formulate policy recommendations addressed to
member states and the UN system on questions under their mandate. ECOSOC
deals with a variety of issues in this capacity. They oversee eight functional
commissions, including the UN Statistical Commission, the Commission on
Population and Development, the Commission on the Status of Women, and the Commission on Science and Technology for Development, among others. They also
oversee five regional commissions focused on economic issues within the
various regions of the world. Three standing committees, which coordinate work with non-governmental and intergovernmental organizations, and nine
expert bodies addressing issues as diverse as public
administration, the labeling of chemicals and dangerous goods, geospatial and
information management, and indigenous issues. In addition, ECOSOC is also
responsible for coordinating the work of the various UN specialized agencies and
with any other international organizations. Most of these specialist
agencies operate autonomously, with ECOSOC coordinating their policies and work. Most of these groups are functional in nature. They include groups like the
International Labour Organization, the World Health Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Telecommunications Union,
the Universal Postal Union, and others. Finally, ECOSOC also holds annual
meetings with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to address
issues of mutual concern–though it’s important to note that neither of those
two bodies are subsidiary to the United Nations. The third primary organ of the
United Nations is the Security Council. The Security Council has primary
responsibility for addressing threats to peace and security.
Unlike other UN committees, the Security Council can be called into session at
any time, and members of the Council are expected to have permanent missions
available year-round. The Security Council has 15 members. The five permanent members of the Security Council–China, France, Russia, the United
Kingdom, and the United States–have veto power that applies to any substantive
matter under consideration by the Council. This includes resolutions, the
admission of new Member States, and the appointment of the Secretary General, the
election of judges to the International Court of Justice, and other key issues.
The ten non-permanent or rotating members are elected by the General
Assembly to staggered two-year terms on a regional basis. The presidency of the
Council rotates monthly between the members with each member serving a one
month term as president. Approval of any substantive matter requires a 9/15ths
majority. According to Article 27 of the UN Charter, decisions also quite require
“Great Power Unanimity.” This provision grants the P-5 their veto power. We’ll
return to the question of the veto power in a later video. In addressing threats
to international peace and security, the Council can decide to operate under
Chapter VI or Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Chapter VI provides for the implementation of measures short of the
use of force. This generally includes investigations, reports, or non-binding
recommendations. Under Chapter VII, the United Nations can authorize the use of
force to counter aggression. Such measures can include diplomatic or
economic sanctions, or even authorization of the use of military force. This is
effectively the collective security mechanism of the United Nations that
will return to that a little later, and it looks a little different than that
used under the League. The next major organ of the United Nations is the
Secretariat. The Secretariat serves as the administrative arm of the United
Nations, helping to organize meetings, provide support services like
translation between the UN six operating languages (Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian, and Spanish). It also develops reports and prepares the organization’s
budget. Comprised of more than 44,000 civil servants, members of the
Secretariat staff are selected after completion of a UN administered exam
according to a rough quota system that ensures diversity of geographic
representation. Secretariat staff are officially appointed by the
Secretary General and serve at the Secretary General’s discretion. While in
service, they’re responsible only to the organization and are expected to give up
national loyalties during that service. The Secretary General oversees ten
offices, eight departments, and five regional commissions, in addition to
field offices in Geneva, Nairobi, and Vienna. There’s very little real
difference between offices and departments, and each covers various
aspects of UN operations. Examples of offices include the Executive Office of
the Secretary General, the Office of Internal Oversight, which engages and
audits inspection and monitoring of various aspects of the organization; the
Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which monitors and reports on
humanitarian crises; and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Examples of departments include the Department of Political Affairs, which
monitors the global political developments and advises the
Secretary General on international issues as well as providing election
assistance to states that require it; the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, which is responsible for the planning, preparation, and
management of peacekeeping operations authorized by the UN Security Council;
the Department of General Assembly and Conference Preparation, which oversees various meetings and provides conference services for UN meetings; and the
Department of Public Information, which acts as the public relations and
communications arm of the United Nations. The Secretariat is headed by a Secretary
General, currently Antonio Guterres. The Secretary General is elected by the
General Assembly on recommendation of the Security Council. While there are a
few official qualifications for the position, several unofficial criteria
have emerged. By tradition the appointee should not be a national of any P-5
country, and due regard should be given to regional rotation of the office. Since
1981, the Security Council enters a closed session and votes in secret in a
series of straw polls until a consensus candidate emerges. They then submit that
name for ratification to the General Assembly. To date, the General Assembly
has never rejected a proposed candidate. Secretaries General are appointed to a
five-year term, historically renewed once. The only exception in recent history has
been Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whose reelection was opposed by the United
States in 1996, limiting him to a single term in office. The responsibilities and
powers of the Secretary General are actually quite limited and few a number.
According to the mythology of the office, the first Secretary General warned his
successor Dag Hammarskjöld, “You’re about to undertake the most impossible job on
earth.” The Secretary General has the power to refer a matter to the Security
Council for their consideration. Beyond that, most of their power rests in the ability to draw attention to important questions, to report on issues or
initiatives, to carry out tasks assigned to them by the bodies of the UN, and to
work with Member States behind the scenes to influence decisions or
negotiate outcomes. This process of helping solve international disputes by
acting as an independent third party while offering substantive suggestions
towards reaching agreement on settlement is usually referred to as the “good
offices.” The Secretary General is assisted by a Deputy Secretary General,
who helps handle the administrative responsibilities of the office. In
addition, there are a number of Undersecretaries General,
who are appointed in the same manner as the Secretary General and who serve as
the head of various UN programs or commissions. The Secretary General can
appoint special rapporteurs to represent them at meetings and to act as
negotiators on behalf of the United Nations. These individuals are generally
high-ranking diplomats who–as special representatives–have assigned portfolios
addressing either a specific region or a specific global issue. Examples include a
Special Representative for Somalia, a Special Representative for Iraq, a
Special Representative on Sexualized Violence in Conflict; a Special
Representative on Violence Against Children, and a Special Representative on
Food Security and Nutrition. It’s perhaps easiest to think of these individuals as
members of the Secretary General’s extended cabinet. Finally, the
Secretary General can appoint a special rapporteur to report on and draw attention
to particular issues. Most frequently, special rapporteurs are charged with
investigating or monitoring or reporting on specific human rights problems.
examples here could include Special Rapporteurs on human rights appointed to Eritrea, Belarus, Cambodia, Myanmar, Sudan, Uzbekistan, among others. However they can also have thematic mandates as well.
Examples of special rapporteurs with thematic mandates include the Special
Rapporteur on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the Special Rapporteur on the right to education, the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food and the Special Rapporteur on the Right of Freedom of Religion or Belief. Antonio
Guterres is the ninth Secretary General the United Nations, having been elected
into the position in 2017. He previously served as the Prime Minister of Portugal,
and had been the UN High Commissioner on Refugees. The first secretary-general of
the United Nations was Trygve Lie of Norway. Norway having represented Norway at the
United Nations Conference in San Francisco, Lie was one of the lead
authors in drafting the Charter provisions for the Security Council. Most
analyses suggest that Lie was actually a poor Secretary General and that he was
unable to address several critical international crises during his tenure,
including the Berlin Blockade, the Korean War, and the expansion of UN
Member States. Lie was succeeded by arguably one of the
most influential Secretaries General, Dag Hammarskjöld of Sweden. Ironically, Hammarskjöld was initially a consensus candidate–the least offensive option to
the US and the Soviet Union after a number of other candidates for the
position had been vetoed. Hammarskjöld’s tenure as Secretary General was cut short when his plane crashed while on a peace negotiation mission in the Congo
in September of 1961. There was considerable speculation during and
after the crash that his plane may have been shot down, possibly by the CIA, MI-6,
South African or Belgian interests. During his tenure as Secretary General,
Hammarskjöld succeeded in professionalizing the Secretariat, worked
to improve Arab-Israeli relations, negotiated the release of 11 US pilots
held by China after being shot down in the Korean War, oversaw the deployment of
UN peacekeepers in the Middle East, dealt with the Suez Canal Crisis, and worked to
aid efforts towards decolonization in Africa. U Thant was the first
non-European selected for the position of secretary-general–a concession to the
growing influence of the developing world in the United Nations in the 1960s.
A national of Burma (now Myanmar), Thant was a prominent diplomat and negotiator,
having served as the Secretary of the 1955 Bandung Conference–a landmark
international conference that led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned
Movement during the Cold War–as well as a Special Representative of the
Secretary General on Algerian independence and later on the UN Congo Commission. As Secretary General, Thant was skilled at using his office’s to
facilitate international negotiations. He’s credited with having played a
central role in resolving the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, and in ending the
Congo civil war in 1963. He shepherded the expansion of UN membership to dozens of newly independent states, oversaw the creation of a number of specialized
agencies, including the UN Development Program, the UN Institute for Training
and Research (or UNITAR), and the UN Environment Program (UNEP). In his
second term as Secretary General, he became a strong critic of South African
apartheid and of US intervention in Vietnam. Despite this criticism, he remained on good terms with all P-5 countries–a
unique and challenging feat for Secretaries General. He was even
invited to serve a third term–an invitation that Thant declined in no
uncertain terms. Kurt Waldheim of Austria became the fourth Secretary General of
the United Nations in 1972. Waldheim had been Austria’s Permanent
Representative to the United Nations, and had previously served as Austria’s
foreign minister. While Waldheim oversaw a number of international conferences,
including the UN Conference on the Environment in 1972, and the World Food Conference in 1974, he’s largely remembered as an ineffective
Secretary General. Indeed, his most famous legacy was the
discovery–after his tenure as Secretary General–that he had served as
an officer in the Wehrmacht in World War II and was implicated though never
convicted of war crimes committed by his former unit in Yugoslavia. As a
result, while serving as president of Austria from 1986 to 1992, he was
declared persona non grata by the United States and nearly every other country
outside the Arab world. Waldheim’s candidacy for a third term was strongly
opposed by China, who favored Tanzania’s Salim Ahmed. The US and China entered a
standoff and voting repeated for 16 rounds, with the US and China each
vetoing the other’s favored candidate. The standoff ended when both Ahmed and Waldheim withdrew from the race. At that point, Peru’s Javier Perez de Cuellar was elected. Prior to his election as Secretary General, Perez de Cuellar had a
distinguished career as a foreign service officer, including stints as
Peru’s representative to the Security Council, ambassador to France, and Special Representative of the Secretary General in Cyprus. He led negotiations between
Argentina and the United Kingdom after the Falkland Island Crisis in 1982, and
facilitated negotiations that led to Namibian independence in 1990. He also worked
to address the situation in Western Sahara and the crisis in the former
Yugoslavia. Boutros Boutros-Ghali of Egypt served as the 6th
Secretary General and led the organization through a tumultuous post
Cold War transition. Indeed during his tenure, the UN suffered several critical
setbacks, including the failure to address the Rwandan genocide, the failure
to address war crimes and genocide in the former Yugoslavia, and the crisis in
Somalia. Boutros-Ghali did oversee the
publication of “An Agenda for Peace” in 1992– a proposal to restructure UN
peacekeeping operations for a post-cold war world. Despite his short tenure in
office, this report did expand the operational definition of peace, noting
that the absence of war was insufficient and that any lasting peace had to
address the instability in the economic social, humanitarian, and ecological
fields. The report also laid a clear distinction between peacekeeping and
post-conflict rebuilding–a distinction that remains relevant even today.
Boutros-Ghali’s application for the customary second term as
Secretary General was vetoed by the United States. Despite the fact that he
was running unopposed and received 14 votes in favor of his candidacy in the
Security Council, the United States refused to waver and vetoed his
candidacy in four successive rounds. As a result Boutros-Ghali became the only
Secretary General to be denied a second term. Kofi Annan of Ghana was elected as
a compromise candidate following Boutros-Ghali’s rejection due to US
veto. Annan had worked his way up through the ranks of the United Nations, having
never held a high ranking diplomatic post for his home government–the only
Secretary General to do so. Annan had worked for the World Health Organization,
and had been Undersecretary General for Peacekeeping. During his tenure as
Secretary General, Annan spearheaded a number of reforms intended to streamline
the UN’s dated bureaucracy and management practices. He also cut the
size of UN staffing, reduced the UN budget, and improved outreach to civil
society. Annan oversaw the drafting of the UN Millennium Development Goals in 2000,
the UN Global Compact–which coordinated the public and private sectors–also in
2000, and help develop the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. Annan was criticized
for his handling of the Oil-for-Food scandal in Iraq. Despite this Annan is
generally remembered as a charismatic leader but week manager, only achieving
limited success in reforming the organization. Ban Ki-moon of South Korea
was elected as the eighth Secretary General of the United Nations in 2007. Ban was one of the first people to actively campaign for the position.
and was originally considered a long-shot. In the eight months leading up to the
vote, Ban visited the 15 Security Council
members officially in his capacity as South Korea’s foreign minister, signing
trade deals and announcing aid packages. The effort was a success, and when the
voting occurred bond was approved in the first round by a vote of 14 to 0 with
Japan abstaining. Ban was generally viewed as the opposite of Annan–an
effective manager with little charisma. He did make history by appointing a
record number of women to key leadership positions in his cabinet. He also
undertook a series of bureaucratic reforms intended to address American
concerns: he made all appointments five-year contracts subject to annual
performance reviews, required that financial disclosures be made public, and
streamlined administration of peacekeeping operations. Ban also
brought the question of LGBTQ rights into the United Nations. But he was
criticized by UN staff, who opposed many of his administrative reforms, and
for that his handling of the Haitian cholera epidemic. Finally, the current
Secretary General, elected in 2016, is Antonio Guterres of Portugal. Guterres
had previously served as Prime Minister of Portugal and had been the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees. His selection was controversial and somewhat of a
surprise, as many observers were hoping to use the election cycle as an
opportunity to elect the first female Secretary General. Guterres has made the Sustainable Development Goals a central focus of his efforts, and said that he
will investigate both the Haitian cholera case and accusations of sexual
assault by UN peacekeepers. The next institution in the UN system is the
Trusteeship Council. The Council is an interesting body, reflecting the history
of the UN itself. When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the bulk of the
world’s population lived in colonies non-self-governing territories. The job
of the trusteeship council was to help prepare those colonies for independence.
Membership in the Trusteeship Council was comprised of all UN members
administering trust territories, the permanent five members of Security
Council, and a number of other members necessary to ensure that the number of
members not holding non-self-governing territories was equal to the number of
those on the Council who were. Thus over time, time the size of the Council decreased, as did its workload as more states achieved independence. The Council was suspended in 1994, after Palau, the last non-self-governing territory, achieved independence. It continues to exist on
paper because eliminating it would require a reform of the UN Charter–a
proposition made more complicated by proposals for UN Security Council reform.
In theory, the body could be recalled by its President or by the General Assembly
or Security Council. However, no meeting has been held since its suspension in
1994. The International Court of Justice (or ICJ) is the legal arm of the United Nations. Its purpose is to settle disputes between states, and it can give
advisory opinions to UN organs or specialized agencies. The ICJ is located
in The Hague in the same building that was once home to the League of Nations’
Permanent Court of International Justice. The ICJ has 15 judges, elected to nine
year terms by the General Assembly on recommendation of the Security Council.
Terms are staggered so that five judges are elected every three years. By charter
provision, no two judges may be of the same nationality. By tradition, judges are
distributed on a geographic basis, with five seats reserved for Western
countries, three for African states–at least one of whom is a judge of
Francophone civil law, and one of Anglophone common law, and one from an
Arab state–two from Eastern Europe, three from Asia-Pacific, and two from Latin
America and the Caribbean. By tradition the P-5 also always have a judge on the
court. While judges are appointed by the General Assembly, they can be removed
by a unanimous vote of the other judges on the ICJ. States that are a party to a
dispute being heard by the International Court of Justice may also request to
have an ad-hoc judge appointed for the case if they do not already have a
national on the court, potentially increasing the number of judges to 17
for an individual case. Because ad hoc judges almost always vote for the state
that appointed them, they cancel one another out. The jurisdiction of the ICJ
is unusual. For cases involving disputes between states, it has compulsory
jurisdiction only if granted such jurisdiction by the states who are party
to the dispute. Thus it’s possible to withdraw from compulsory jurisdiction
and abide by voluntary jurisdiction if a state is dissatisfied with the outcome of the case. This happened most famously in the case of Nicaragua v. United States in 1986, when the ICJ ruled in favor of
Nicaragua’s claim that the US had violated its sovereignty by mining its
harbors. When the US lost the case, it withdrew from the ICJ’s
compulsory jurisdiction. While there’s no legal appeal process for the ICJ, states
can request enforcement of decisions of the ICJ through the UN Security Council.
Nicaragua’s problem in the 1980s was that the US could simply block
enforcement of that action by vetoing any resolution. Nevertheless the ICJ
plays an important role in helping establish international norms, and in
interpreting creating and reinforcing international law.
That concludes our consideration of the bodies that comprise the United Nations
system. Be sure to check out the other videos on this channel for more
information on the UN! Thanks everyone. Bye!

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